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In an attempt to further marginalize the republican cause, the British have quietly reintroduced criminalisation within the Six Counties prisons.
In 1972 the British government recognized the political status of Irish republican prisoners under what was then called "Special Category Status." Republicans were segregated by political affiliation and held separate from the general prison population. They were allowed free association as well as the rights to wear their own uniforms and conduct their own education. In 1976, in an attempt to undermine the cause of Irish independence and cripple support for republicanism, the British instituted a policy of 'criminalisation'. From then on, prisoners would no longer be held in the "cages" of Long Kesh with their comrades but instead would be imprisoned in regular prison cells without the rights of a political prisoner. British politicians believed that "Special Category Status" contributed to 'terrorism' and Lord Gardiner among others hoped that a revocation of prisoners' political status would discredit and demoralize the struggle for Irish freedom. As a member of Sinn Fein explained at that time, "Éthe British hope that they can subtly alter people's mental processes in such a way as to get them, after a time, to identify political groups with criminal organisations e.g. the Mafia." When the policy of criminalisation was first implemented, it met with immediate opposition both from the prisoners as well as many organizations on the outside. Immediately upon entering the new 'H-Blocks' of Long Kesh, Republican Socialist prisoners, along with their comrades in the Provisional Republican Movement, went "on the blanket." They were political prisoners, not common criminals as the government labeled them. For five years these prisoners refused to wear prison uniforms, instead wrapping themselves with thin blankets. When their protest inspired the screws to harass and beat them, the prisoners refused to use the prison toilets or showers. Further abuse led to their refusal to "slop out", forcing them to smear their excrement on the walls of their cells. While the prisoners inside combated the oppressive prison regime, family members and political comrades engaged in the "Smash H-Block" campaign. In fact, members of the IRSP were some of the first to organize within the Relatives Action Committees, forming coalitions with other organizations to promote the cause of the prisoners in what would become the largest demonstration of the "Broad Front" concept promoted by Seamus Costello. The protests both within the prison and outside had no effect on the British Labour Government which continued to hope to break the spirit of the movement. With the election of Margaret Thatcher in 1979, matters soon escalated when she declared that "the British Government will never concede political status" to anyone convicted in the North. By 1980 the protests escalated into a hungerstrike. When the British promises which had ended the 1980 hungerstrike turned out to be false ones, prisoners again began a hungerstrike in March 1981. This time ten men died, including our three INLA comrades Patsy O'Hara, Kevin Lynch and Micky Devine. After these men gave the ultimate sacrifice, the British government quietly began to acknowledge the political nature of the prisoners. Despite their denials that they had ever given into the prisoners' demands, in fact the British allowed the prisoners to forego prison work, wear their own clothing, freely associate and engage in educational activities within their wings. In 1999 the British apparently believe that republicanism is weakened enough to withstand a return to criminalisation. The new policy, applying to those convicted after last April's Good Friday Agreement, means that the republicans who did not sign on to the GFA are destined to be labeled as criminals solely because they oppose the British-engineered "peace process". These men and women will receive even fewer rights than those in 1976, for unlike new convicted prisoners, those under the previous criminalisation policy had their political affiliations respected and were housed separate from political foes and the general prison population. Patrick Walls, a Republican Socialist Prisoner of War, is the longest-serving POW being denied status. He is on remand in Maghaberry charged with possession of a handgun. He was arrested in July, after the passage of the GFA, and only a few months before he had been released from Portlaoise Prison in the 26 Counties, where he had enjoyed POW status on the INLA wing. Despite repeated requests from the IRSP, the NIO has refused to transfer Patrick to the Republican Socialist wing in Long Kesh, citing the fact that he was charged after the GFA and nothing else. Five other Republican prisoners in Maghaberry, receiving the support of Republican Sinn Féin, face this new criminalisation policy as well. The NIO has refused to give them any group recognition. The men are being held on remand on charges of possession of arms and ammunition. According to a Republican Sinn Féin press release, visitors are also being singled out for harassment and mail has not been delivered on several occasions. Two of their comrades are being held in cells on their own, but another is forced to share a cell with a prisoner on drugs-related charges while the remaining two are in 23 hour lock-up on punishment under "Rule 32". The warders are continually provoking these prisoners and challenging them to fight. The taunting and jeering includes saying that the prisoners are at the warders' mercy, that nobody cares about them, that they are "scum" and "have no support." We must stand firm on the issue of political status. If we allow our comrades to be labeled as criminals, then the British government will believe that the struggle for Irish freedom has been defeated. Let us never forget-there may be ceasefires in place, but until Ireland has its freedom, the war has not yet ended. |