The 1998 British-Irish Agreement represents the victory of the British government and foreign corporate interests over the Irish working class. By preying on ordinary Irish people's desire for peace, foreign imperialism in Ireland has never been stronger, and not one step has been taken towards Irish freedom.

While the media and politicians hail the dawn of peace in Ireland, few are willing to acknowledge that throughout the "peace process," the reasons behind the violence were never sufficiently addressed. The Irish working class remains as culturally, economically and socially divided as ever before. In the North, bigotry and segregated neighborhoods are still the norm. Spy posts still tower over nationalist neighborhoods and a sectarian police force still walks the streets. Thousands of British troops remain in barracks. The Orange Order is as intransigent as ever about re-routing contentious marches. Ultimately, the British occupation of Ireland has continued unabated, as has the oppression of the people within the Six Counties.

As a hint of the Agreement's intent, many members of the Ulster Unionist Party believe that their cause has been sold out and their people, betrayed. Meanwhile, Sinn Fein has been pushed into constitutionalism, confronting the dubious choice to either pull out of the process now or cease to be a republican party. Both groups now face the challenge of appeasing the most moderate elements within their parties while preventing large-scale defections of the rest. Meanwhile, with little effort indeed those centrist and largely bourgeois parties, such as the SDLP and Alliance, remain true to their constituents, as their political opposition, unionists and republicans alike, are forced to capitulate on compromise after compromise.

By maintaining divisions within the working class, British interests have been well-served.

If the Agreement is accepted in the May referenda, the Irish will be able to court in earnest foreign - in particular American - investment with the promise of "peace" to encourage more corporate imperialism. Labour organizations and socialist parties remain marginalized and outside of the process. Republicans have been left with the dilemma of accepting a substantial compromise of their principles or being excluded from democratic processes. The Irish government has agreed to revisit Articles 2 & 3 of the Constitution, offering to weaken its legal hold on the Six Counties.

Mo Mowlam said, "Everybody has got to give a little. No one is going to get 100% of what they want. If everybody is willing to accept some change we can do it." The Irish people are giving a great deal if they accept this Agreement. It is the British government that is unwilling to give anything concrete, and it is this point that republicans should rally around.

When Tony Blair was asked about his contingency arrangements in case the talks broke down, he said, "We do have a plan. It's a plan for success". Nationalists must remember that in 800 years of British occupation and rule, never once has British 'success' equalled justice for the Irish people!

As republicans, let's not allow ourselves complacency. Intelligent and critical analysis of the Agreement demonstrates that nothing new or surprising has occurred, and regardless of what the pundits and politicians tell us, no advances have been made.

First of all, our primary concern should be that the Agreement legitimizes partition. It makes clear provision for the North to remain part of the United Kingdom as long as a majority of people in the Six Counties desire for it to remain so, regardless of the wishes of the population of Ireland as a whole. Interestingly, the Agreement states as fact that "present wish of a majority of the people" is to maintain partition, and no provisions are made for an immediate vote on the status of the Six Counties. Furthermore, the Agreement does not weaken the hold of the British government in the North of Ireland; although it provides for a certain amount of local autonomy for the Six Counties, British control remains strong and unwavering. For all these reasons the Agreement is no more of a "transitional" stage towards Irish freedom than the Treaty of 1921, for the continuance of Partition still relies on an artifical majority in a gerrymandered statelet.

Second, by requiring nationalist/unionist designations in the forthcoming Assembly, the Agreement perpetuates the sectarian nature of the Northern state. Furthermore, because of the demographics, it would ensure a unionist majority within this Assembly, the leader of which many assume will be David Trimble. Again, the Agreement does nothing to break down divisions, but serves to more firmly entrench them.

Third, on the issue of human rights, all the new policies described in the document will, as stated, "build on existing protections in Westminster legislation in respect of the judiciary, the system of justice and policing." The current "protections" include emergency legisation, jury-less trials and sectarian police forces. Should republicans support an Agreement that builds on a corrupt system rather than dismantle the rotten core? Nationalists should be very concerned about the vague and non-specific nature of the sections on human rights and security, particularly when compared to the detail afforded cultural issues. The British government promises to make "rapid progress" but never defines what is meant by "rapid" or by "progress". On the issue of security measures, for example, the document states that the British "will make progress towards the objective of as early a return as possible to normal security arrangements... consistent with the level of threat...". But what does this actually mean? Where do the British agree to immediately start sending their soldiers home? Where do the British agree to immediately begin to dismantle the spy posts? Where do the British agree to immediately abolish the Diplock Courts? As it is worded, as long as a "threat" remains (defined by the British), the British can maintain their current posture. This weak attempt at reform is too little, too late - it is nothing more than what the British government should have put into practice decades ago.

Fourth, concerning political prisoner releases and decommissioning, only prisoners of organizations observing a ceasefire may be considered for early release, meaning many republicans, particularly those in INLA, would be further marginalized within the system. For those who might face early release, conditions are such that releases would occur over a two year period, hostages tied to Sinn Fein's continued participation and acceptance of decommissioning paramilitary weapons. Nowhere in the Agreement is a schedule for the decommissioning of police or British Army weapons, or the withdrawal of "anti-terrorist" units such as the SAS. And nowhere are provisions made for those prisoners and former prisoners facing extradition and deportation in the United States.

When examined in total, the Agreement accomplishes little for the people of Ireland other than offer a feeble attempt to rip the heart out of the struggle for independence and unification. In light of this, republicans - of all hues, stripes, and affiliations - should come together and reject this Agreement. Instead of allowing the British and the media to polarize and isolate our efforts, we need to unite and strengthen the struggle for Irish freedom and justice and for a socialist republic. We must defeat the referenda that would support this Agreement and as a result demolish hard-won gains won over the 82 years since the Easter Rising. The Agreement places republicans in a position of compromise and acceptance of partition. Therefore, the only agreement republicans should accept is an agreement to unite and oppose this pro-British solution that strengthens partition and weakens the struggle for Irish freedom.

Let the Struggle Continue! Seize the Day!

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